The Global South: Rising Power and Global Impact

In recent years the phrase “Global South” has become an increasingly common fixture of international policy debates. For example, India’s 2023 “Voice of the Global South” virtual summits convened over 100 nations from Asia, Africa, Latin America and beyond to discuss common challenges like food security and climate change. These gatherings underscore how leaders from diverse developing countries are finding common ground to reshape current and future alignments. The word ‘South’ here should not be mistaken by geographic latitudes, it is more an indication of the economic standing of the countries involved, the bulk of them being poor or under developed. This corresponds, more or less, into the heft or clout of these countries in global policy making and how much of a ‘say’ they have in the global voice. Commonalities create natural friends, so the ‘Global South’ has become a grouping of similar political and economic players, rooted in a shared history of being exploited by the so-called ‘developed’ countries, either by colonization or otherwise by various devious and unholy means. Over time the label evolved into a broadly accepted alternative to “Third World” or “developing countries”. Today it generally refers to the many nations of Africa, Latin America, the Middle East and developing Asia essentially the former colonial world – who account for the majority of humanity but a much smaller share of global wealth. In this post, we trace the Global South’s historical roots and examine its role in today’s geopolitical landscape, global development, and international relations.

Historical origins of the Global South

The idea of a North-South divide dates back to the Cold War. In 1952 French demographer Alfred Sauvy first coined the term “Third World” to describe countries that were politically non-aligned and often recently decolonized. Ten years after World War – Il ended, the 1955 Bandung Conference, held in Indonesia, brought together 29 Asian and African countries, many fresh out of colonial rule, to call for anti-colonial solidarity and “the abstention from the use of arrangements of collective defense” that served great powers. This spirit led in 1961 to the founding of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) under leaders like Nasser (from Egypt), Nehru (from India) and Tito (from Yugoslavia). NAM explicitly represented the interests of developing countries and “gave a voice to developing countries” in world affairs.

The term “Global South” itself emerged in this post-colonial context. In 1969, leftist writer Carl Oglesby wrote that centuries of northern “dominance” over the Global South was producing an intolerable social order. By the 1970s, newly independent countries demanded a New International Economic Order, pressuring for fairer trade, aid and development terms. The 1973 oil crisis and debt shocks highlighted widening global inequality. After the Cold War ended in 1991 and the Soviet bloc dissolved, the simple East-West labels became obsolete. Some former communist states joined the “rich North” while others joined the “developing South,” prompting scholars to adopt the North-South framework. Unlike “developed/developing”, Global North/South carries no explicit hierarchy. Its use skyrocketed in academia and policy circles after 2000: by 2013 the phrase appeared in hundreds of publications. As one analyst noted, the term was meant to be “less hierarchical”, focusing attention instead on the shared experiences and interests of former colonial nations.

From Non-Alignment to North–South framing

Today the Global South spans all continents (except rich Western Europe and North America). It includes giant emerging economies like India, China and Brazil as well as low-income countries in Africa and Asia. Collectively this bloc wields real economic weight. For example, the expanded BRICS group (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa – now enlarged to 11 members) accounts for over a quarter of the global economy and nearly half the world’s population. What is more, it is growing rapidly and expanding as many nations flock to partake in a promising future and abandon the sinking ships of their former colonial powers, as well as America under the maverick and unreliable-as-well-as-unpredictable leadership of Donald Trump, who has managed to displease even long-standing allies and friends. Emerging-market growth and industrialization are now being driven overwhelmingly by Global South nations, predicting that by 2030 about 80% of the world’s middle class will live in developing countries. At the same time, massive inequality remains. The Global North (roughly 25% of humanity) still controls about 80% of global wealth, illustrating the persistent economic divide. But the gap is narrowing since the exploited nations have now become aware of the formidable power that their natural resources, labour, markets and brotherhood can bring.

This shift in economic power is reshaping international relations. Global South governments have increasingly coordinated to reform global institutions. For example, BRICS explicitly aims to provide a counterweight to Western dominance in bodies like the World Bank, G7 and U.N. Security Council. BRICS leaders have proposed alternatives such as their own currency and a New Development Bank, hoping to bolster South-South cooperation and reduce reliance on Western creditors. In trade and politics, many Southern diplomats strive to project a united voice. As one study notes, BRICS countries “seek to build an alternative to what they see as the dominance of the Western viewpoint in major multilateral groupings”. Meanwhile, fast-growing markets in Africa and Asia are redrawing supply chains and investment flows, challenging the old post-industrial order. In short, the Global South’s emerging economies are altering the global geopolitical landscape – demanding more seats at the table and new rules that reflect their interests.

Geopolitical implications: BRICS, G-77 and new coalitions

Global development agendas revolve in large part around the Global South. The United Nations’ Millennium Development Goals and later the Sustainable Development Goals focussed heavily on poverty, health and education in poorer countries. Achieving these goals in the Global South is not just altruistic: it’s essential for global stability and prosperity. As one resource puts it, “Implementing the SDGs in the Global South is crucial not just for local benefits, but also for global prosperity and stability.” The logic is clear: improvements in health, education and infrastructure in the South benefits all through reduced pandemic risks, stable economies and environmental protection.

At the U.N. and other forums, developing countries have formed large voting blocs to advance common priorities. The Group of 77 (G-77), founded in 1964 at the U.N., is a prime example. It originally had 77 members and now includes 134 developing nations (plus China). The G-77 explicitly aims to strengthen Southern unity on economic issues and push for a New International Economic Order that favours developing countries. In climate talks, negotiators from the Global South (often joined with China and called “G77+China”) insist on finance and technology transfers from the North. They emphasize that industrialized countries – not developing ones – have caused most of the ecological damage leading to global warming. In international development finance, institutions like the IMF and World Bank still reflect Northern priorities, but their hol dis weakening. Rising ‘South’ countries now contribute too, and alternatives are already in place. For instance, Brazil alone provides roughly $1 billion per year in development assistance to other Global South countries, drawing on its own experience and expertise. Similarly, India is increasingly taking on the role of flag-bearer of the Global South, by championing their collective cause with vigour and following it up with hard and soft power, something that is bewildering the entrenched powers of yore. Another key concept is South-South cooperation, which refers to collaboration among developing nations. This approach is guided by principles of mutual respect, shared knowledge and sovereignty. South-South cooperation has been called a “manifestation of solidarity among peoples and countries of the South” that helps build self-reliance and meet development goals. Over decades, new financial partnerships have emerged: for example, BRICS’s New Development Bank and Contingent Reserve Arrangement are explicitly aimed at giving Global South countries alternatives to Western-dominated finance. All these developments show the Global South’s growing role in shaping the global development agenda and international policymaking. It is a burgeoning mass of population, potential and increasingly of influence – even as debates continue over who belongs in the group and how it should act.

• South-South Coalitions and Examples. Key international groups illustrate the Global South’s unity:
• Group of 77 (G-77) – A U.N. coalition of developing countries, now with 134 members. Since its 1964 founding, the G-77 has coordinated Southern positions on trade, aid and development, pushing for a fairer global economy. It often speaks of itself as representing the Global South as a whole.
• BRICS – An informal bloc originally of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (joined by six new members in 2023). These emerging economies meet annually to discuss economic coordination and institutional reform. They aim to present a unified “Southern” perspective in multilateral bodies and have created their own development bank for infrastructure finance.
• Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) – Dating to the Cold War era, NAM is a group of about 120 countries (as of early 21st century) that remained officially unaffiliated with either superpower. Today it still represents many Global South states, advocating sovereignty and opposition to coercive diplomacy. NAM’s philosophy of solidarity and independence set the stage for later South-South collaboration. Voice of the Global South Summit (India) – A recent initiative, first held virtually in 2023, where India invited developing-country leaders to discuss shared concerns. Over 100 nations participated, and their joint statements even influenced the final communiqué of the 2023 G20 summit. This shows how the concept of “Global South” is now used by governments to shape big-power agendas. Other groups like ASEAN, the African Union and regional development banks also play roles in uniting Southern interests. Even if membership varies, these coalitions illustrate that the Global South often acts collectively, from trade negotiations to climate talks – to advance post-colonial nations’ goals on the world stage.

Development, climate and the SDGs of Global South

The Global South carries strong colonial memories and ideological aspirations. It evokes a shared history: many member countries were colonized by Europe or dominated/intervened-in by the U.S., and their national narratives often stress anti-imperialism and sovereignty. Culturally, there are bonds through movements like Pan-Africanism or pan-Asianism, and a sense of collective identity as formerly marginalized peoples. In practical terms, Global South cooperation is guided by norms like equality and non-interference; South-South treaties often emphasize “respect for national sovereignty, independence, and non-interference” in each other’s affairs.

This identity also signals an alternative worldview in international relations. As one commentator notes, using “Global South” shifts the focus from purely development metrics to broader geopolitical power and cultural differences. Scholars of the Global South argue it allows countries to define issues on their own terms. For example, they can highlight grassroots knowledge and experiences (what some call “epistemologies of the South”) rather than following a Western research agenda. However, the concept is not free of contention. Critics point out that lumping dozens of diverse nations into one category can obscure important differences. They warn it can serve the interests of domestic elites or be politicized by big powers. Others note that rapid growth in some Southern countries complicates the picture, since the wealthy urban classes in emerging markets share many traits with the Global North. In practice, “Global South” is often used fluidly – sometimes as shorthand for “developing world,” other times to denote a political stance in the post-colonial world.

Challenges: inequality, debt and climate vulnerability

The Global South faces a mix of obstacles and advantages as it seeks growth and equity:

• Challenges: Poverty and inequality remain widespread. Many Global South economies are vulnerable to commodity swings and debt crises. Climate change has hit these countries disproportionately hard – for example, small island states and Sahelian nations face extreme weather and food insecurity. Infrastructure gaps (in roads, schools, power) slow development, and health crises (like recent pandemics) strain weak systems. Political instability and conflict in parts of Africa and Asia further hamper progress. In diplomatic forums, Southern countries must also contend with the fact that global institutions were largely designed by the North; United Nations and financial institutions often reflect 20th-century power structures that Global South leaders find unfair. A number of analysts caution that the label “Global South” itself can oversimplify this complex mix of issues.
• Opportunities: On the other hand, the Global South has great potential. Its population is young and growing fast, promising a demographic dividend if jobs and education expand. Hundreds of millions of people are rising into the middle class – one estimate projects that by 2030, around 80% of the global middle class will live in developing countries. Urbanization and technology adoption (especially in Asia and Africa) allow some Southern nations to leapfrog old infrastructure constraints, for example by using mobile banking and renewable energy solutions. There is also a surge of intra-South investment and cooperation: trade and aid flows between Southern countries are increasing, and partnerships like India-Brazil-South Africa (IBSA) or China’s Belt and Road Initiative are catalyzing development. Politically, many Global South governments are demanding reforms (for instance, India’s Prime Minister Modi at the 2025 BRICS summit pointed out that “two-thirds of humanity from the Global South remains under represented in 20th-century global institutions,” calling for urgent change). With more of the world’s consumers and innovators living in the South, these countries are also attractive markets for business and hubs for new ideas.

In short, the Global South encompasses a dynamic range of societies with a common stake in more balanced global development. The challenges are formidable – from global inequality to climate vulnerability – but the gains from solving them are shared worldwide. As alliances like BRICS and forums like the G-77 illustrate, Southern nations are increasingly making their voices heard. Understanding the Global South means recognizing a post-colonial coalition striving for its place in the world order. For policy professionals, this means accounting for rising emerging economies and solidarity networks when crafting international strategies. The story of the Global South is still unfolding, but its burgeoning impact on international relations and global development is undeniable. It may well be the biggest global change maker of the 21st century, resetting the way the world works.